Black History Month is a reflection of the political moment, so in what ways can we modernize it?
This is Black History Month in the Britain, and it seems it’s time for a rethink. Over the years, an event that began as a festivity and recollection of heritage, traditions and links between global Black communities, has taken on a commercial tone, growing to encompass events where individuals of African heritage are compensated to speak with predominantly white listeners about “unconscious bias” and active solidarity. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests created a surge in the business of showcasing anti-racist commitment. But even that moment has passed. The wave has peaked, resulting in a somewhat empty inheritance of what increasing understanding is for.
The Origins of Black History Celebration
Initially celebrated in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by historian of African descent Carter G. Woodson with seven days of remembrance and recognition in the February's second week. Black History Month evolved from this campaign and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Currently it is marked not only in the North America in the second month, but also in October in the UK, Germany, Ireland and the Holland.
The month has developed since those days, focusing less on the accounts of colonial slavery and civil rights battles, and increasingly on influential individuals of color in politics, culture, and activism, and extensively acknowledging the input Black people have made to influence the nation. It is in educational institutions where Black History Month is most commonly celebrated, with lectures and artistic activities. But the manner the celebration is commemorated is a manifestation of the political moment. How it develops is a instructive case in how appropriation leads to erosion: the reshaping of Black History Month has stymied the objective of it, which is to confront embedded and established prejudice.
A Disconcerting Period
Hardly anything shows how important it is to reconsider Black History Month as much as the particular moment in which it takes place this year. In the United Kingdom, a revitalized conservative movement in the guise of the Reform party is leading the polls. In the warmer months we observed the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in British history. Kemi Badenoch, the Black leader of the Tory party, is a strong critic of anti-racism activism, and we are in a position where a legislator feels emboldened to say that “not seeing any white faces” in certain urban areas is a source of worry. At the same time, ultra-nationalist movements are expanding in the EU as a complete entity.
In the United States, a colossal assault against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been carried, often successfully, to the supreme judicial bodies of the state. A campaign to erase African American heritage and legacy from the records is under way. One of the political figure's first executive orders focused on the institution dedicated to Black heritage, and the prestigious establishment, alleging that they of a “concerted and widespread effort to rewrite our Nation’s history” by portraying America “as naturally discriminatory”.
Against this backdrop, the observance illustrates how insufficiently it can be impactful if it is limited to either routine organizational acknowledgments, or depoliticized celebrations of historical achievements, rather than addressing the situation of the contemporary world. It also shows how its short period means that it is disconnected from the broader ongoing work that is required. A university professor, a prof at a learning establishment, articulated it most accurately when she voiced worries about the fleeting superficial actions of the observance. “The issue with taking a tokenistic approach”, she stated, “is that it frequently results in that Black History Month becomes a fleeting performance rather than a catalyst for change.”
Rethinking, But Not Jettisoning
Determining how to adapt, revise and extend efforts for equal rights and acknowledgment in such moments of dejection and worry is a difficult task. There is a temptation to just discontinue events including Black History Month altogether, assuming they are inadequate for current needs, or are remnants of an era that has been ineffective.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the whole broad system and tradition of campaigns for equality – grassroots Black Lives Matter organisations, DEI programs, and yes, even those talks to businesses – represent an framework that a lot of work has gone into. It is there not just to decay as the political landscape shifts (and in fact, deteriorates), but to be a vital organism.
So what would a new dynamic Black History Month seem? To begin with, it would be extended beyond a brief observance: something that is dispersed through the year (as some institutions are already beginning to do), elements of its material (particularly around prominent figures of color) included in school curriculums. It would also be a period that does not shy away from political issues, and provides room for people, particularly young people, to air their fears and experiences. What use is simple recognition of the history when it fails to address the present reality of extreme conservative demonstrations in the urban areas? Institutions who mark it should not be reassured with the neutral terminology of implicit prejudice and sensitivity to “microaggressions”, but challenged by the risks that impact society if opposition to discrimination is not approached earnestly. In short, Black History Month should be made current, critical, and adaptive. Perhaps an complete renaming is required – Black History is Now Month.